Sunday, October 04, 2026

𝐄𝐥 𝐃𝐞𝐬𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐞𝐥 𝐏𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐨 𝐍𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥: 𝐋𝐚𝐬 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐞𝐬 𝐝𝐞 𝐉𝐚𝐢𝐦𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐳 𝐙𝐚𝐦𝐨𝐫𝐚 𝐲 𝐞𝐥 𝐂𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐨 𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨́𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐨 𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐚 𝐁𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐚

 𝐄𝐥 𝐃𝐞𝐬𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐞𝐥 𝐏𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐨 𝐍𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥: 𝐋𝐚𝐬 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐞𝐬 𝐝𝐞 𝐉𝐚𝐢𝐦𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐳 𝐙𝐚𝐦𝐨𝐫𝐚 𝐲 𝐞𝐥 𝐂𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐨 𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨́𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐨 𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐚 𝐁𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐚


𝐋𝐚𝐬 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐜𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐞𝐬 𝐝𝐞 𝐉𝐚𝐢𝐦𝐞 𝐏𝐚𝐳 𝐙𝐚𝐦𝐨𝐫𝐚 𝐲 𝐞𝐥 𝐂𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐨 𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨 ́ 𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐨 𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐚 𝐁𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐚



By: Marco A. Ayllón Bueno.

Bolivia's economic history at the end of the 20th century is marked by a profound ideological and structural transition that redefined the relationship between the State, society, and its strategic resources. Following the severe hyperinflation crisis of the 1980s, the country adopted a neoliberal economic model based on the Washington Consensus.

While the reforms formally began with the landmark Supreme Decree 21060 in 1985, it was during the administration of former President Jaime Paz Zamora (1989-1993) that the decisive step was taken toward dismantling the state's productive apparatus with the enactment of Privatization Law No. 1330 on April 24, 1992. Under the auspices of this legislation, supported by ministers such as Samuel Doria Medina and Jorge Tuto Quiroga, an aggressive process of selling off public assets was initiated. Far from stabilizing the economy, this resulted in losses of millions of dollars and severe damage to Bolivian national interests.

The central argument of the ruling party at the time to justify handing over public companies was based on the need to reduce the fiscal deficit, attract foreign direct investment, and highlight the State of the administration of entities considered inefficient or loss-making. However, the practical application of Law 1330 revealed a highly detrimental reality.

Dozens of medium-sized and regional companies, under the administration of departmental development corporations, were transferred to the private sector at ridiculously low prices, in what popular memory and subsequent investigations have dubbed a "fire sale." Companies that had cost the national treasury millions of dollars in infrastructure and equipment were liquidated for fractions of their real value, depriving the State of its sources of income and its capacity for regional economic planning.

The financial impact of these policy decisions has been rigorously documented in the years since. Parliamentary reports and joint investigative commissions of the Bolivian Legislative Assembly, tasked with evaluating the neoliberal period (1985-2005), estimated that the overall economic damage resulting from privatization and subsequent capitalization amounted to an alarming cumulative total of 22 billion dollars.

This structural damage was not distributed evenly, but hit hard the centers of regional productive development controlled by the Regional Development Corporations (CORDES), leaving deep economic scars in the four driving departments of the country:

• Tarija and the Dispossession of its Local Industries: The Joint Special Commission of the Legislature determined that Tarija was the department with the highest number of companies subject to this process, with a total of 13 affected institutions dependent on the Tarija Development Corporation (CODETAR). Of these, 6 were transferred directly to private hands and 7 ended up closed or dissolved. While the implementation and setup of this industrial network had cost the Bolivian State more than 78 million dollars, they were liquidated for a mere 31 million, resulting in a net economic loss of 47.4 million dollars. Among the most emblematic assets were the Tarija Cider Paper Industry (IPTASA) and La Entrerriana Iodized Salt, as well as the Villamontes Oil Factory, whose transfer at symbolic prices deprived the region of capturing the surplus from its nascent agro-industrial potential.

• La Paz and the Dismantling of Manufacturing: In the seat of government, the La Paz Development Corporation (CORDEPAZ) witnessed the dismantling of six key public companies, four of which were transferred to private management and two of which were permanently closed. The blow to La Paz's assets was epitomized by the liquidation of the National Flat Glass Factory and the Los Andes Refrigeration Plant. Official legislative reports revealed that the transfer of just five of these production units resulted in a direct loss to the State exceeding $12 million. The closure of these facilities not only represented a financial setback but also led to mass layoffs and the loss of regional manufacturing sovereignty. • Cochabamba and the Foundations of Service Commodification: Under the supervision of the Cochabamba Development Corporation (CORDECO), five state-owned companies entered the first wave of privatization, with four being transferred and one closing. Regional entities such as the Piusilla Trout Farm and various food processing plants were sold off, causing economic damage exceeding US$3.5 million, according to reports from the parliamentary commission. Although this period focused on CORDES companies, the legal framework for privatization and corporate institutionalization structured under the Paz Zamora administration and Law 1330 set a legal precedent that, years later, would facilitate attempts to privatize basic drinking water services. This regulatory line would culminate in the handover of the municipal company SEMAPA to the transnational consortium Aguas del Tunari, igniting the historical spark of the "Water War" in the year 2000 .



Santa Cruz and the Handover of the Agro-industrial Sector: The once-thriving Santa Cruz Development Corporation (CORDECRUZ) suffered the intervention and privatization of 12 public companies, eight of which were transferred to private consortiums, while four underwent dissolution processes. The economic damage in the eastern region was particularly severe for the department's agricultural and textile sectors. High-value strategic assets such as the Portachuelo Animal Feed Factory (ALBAPOR) and the Santa Cruz Spinning Mill were auctioned off through dubious bidding processes.

The Legislative Assembly report identified that the sale of these plants directly benefited power networks comprised of pro-government politicians and businesspeople linked to the regime, who acquired textile and food production monopolies at fractions of their current market value, distorting Santa Cruz's economic development at the expense of the national treasury.
Alongside the substantial financial losses in these four regions, the process was marred by serious ethical questions and conflicts of interest, with the then Minister of Planning, Samuel Doria Medina, at the center of it all.

The fact that the very authorities responsible for designing, promoting, and implementing the privatization regulations went on, shortly after leaving public office, to become the direct beneficiaries of the purchase of these state assets—as occurred with the acquisition of cement companies and the subsequent formation of private monopolies like SOBOCE and the controlling stake in FANCESA—constitutes one of the most criticized aspects of the period.

The use of insider information and the transfer of state assets into the hands of the political elites who governed during that time consolidated a model of state capture that prioritized corporate profit over social welfare.

In conclusion, the privatizations promoted during Jaime Paz Zamora's presidency represented a historic setback for Bolivia's economic sovereignty. Although proponents of the model argued that the funds raised mitigated short-term fiscal emergencies and financed social programs, the overall balance sheet demonstrates that the productive base and the assets of future generations were sacrificed in exchange for marginal income. The lessons of this process left a deep mark on the civic consciousness of departments such as Tarija, La Paz, Cochabamba, and Santa Cruz, laying the groundwork for the social movements that, years later, would demand the nationalization and recovery of strategic resources, reminding everyone that a nation's public assets belong to the people and should not be auctioned off based on transient political interests.

Bibliographic References
1. Plurinational Legislative Assembly of Bolivia (2019). Final Report of the Joint Special Commission of Inquiry into the Privatization and Capitalization Process of Public Enterprises (1985-2005). La Paz, Bolivia.
2. Official Gazette of the Plurinational State of Bolivia (1992). Privatization Law No. 1330 of April 24, 1992. La Paz, Bolivia. 3. Kohl, B. (2004). Privatization Bolivian Style: A Cautionary Tale. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 28(4), 893-908. 4. Mendoza Leigue, A. (2014). Preliminary reports on the plundering of public enterprises during the Bolivian neoliberal period. Special Commission of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly. Peace. 5. Doria Medina, S. (2015). Institutional statements on transfers and revenue collection by the 24 development corporation companies during the period 1991-1993. ERBOL Network archive interview. 6. Spronk, S. (2007). Roots of Resistance: Class Formation and Bolivia's Water Wars. International Labor and Working-Class History, (71), 7-27. Bolivian and Pan-American Economic Pointers. BPAEP © #MAAB 2026.
_____________
Macroeconomic data, financial, and commercial information from Bolivia and North and South American countries. Bolivian and Pan-American Economic Pointers. BPAEP © #MAAB 2026. #MAAB #BPAEP #panamericaneconomy #boliviaeconomia #panamericanmacroeconomics #marcoayllonb #macroeconomiadesudamerica #MAAB #marcoaayllonbueno #lapazbolivia #Lapazskyline #laprimerametropolisdebolivia


On YouTube:

Samuel Doria Medina - Privatizer

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MUDXLhAzk1E

Friday, September 25, 2026

The Potosí Coin in Bolivia as the Hub and First Currency of World Trade

The Potosí Coin in Bolivia as the Hub and First Currency of World Trade

 

The Golden and the Silver coins from Potosí Bolivia, were used in the most important countries around the world.


By: Marco A. Ayllón Bueno

The history of economic globalization is often told from a Eurocentric perspective, placing the origins of modern capitalism in the stock exchanges and ports of London, Amsterdam, or Paris. However, the true financial engine that integrated the markets of the five continents was born in the colonial Andes of South America.

During the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, the macroeconomic center of gravity of the planet was located in the Imperial City of Potosí in Bolivia (the Great Captaincy of the Silver River or Charcas). It was there, at the foot of Cerro Rico, that the Royal Mint minted the Peruvian peso (the 8-real coin), a piece of silver of unprecedented purity and metallic uniformity that became the first truly universal currency in human history.

Bolivia was the third (3rd) largest country in South America and the 11th largest country in the world; the impact of the Bolivian Potosí monetary mass completely reconfigured global geopolitical structures.

In Western Europe, the massive influx of Andean silver through the House of Trade in Seville triggered the so-called "Price Revolution," an inflationary phenomenon that multiplied the cost of living but simultaneously provided the necessary liquidity for the Old World's commercial takeoff. At the opposite end of the world, the Ming Dynasty in China implemented the One-Whip Tax reform, which required taxes to be paid exclusively in silver.

Potosí absorbed this colossal Asian demand in a hegemonic manner; Millions of Peruvian pesos crossed the Pacific via the Manila Galleon, becoming the preferred currency of Chinese merchants, who validated the law of the Andean currency by stamping their own seals of trust.

While issues from other regions like New Spain had a marginal presence in early transoceanic trade, the Bolivian currency of Potosí formed the backbone of international exchange. Its hegemony was so absolute that the Thirteen Anglo-American Colonies adopted it as the basis of their mercantile system under the name " Spanish Dollar ," laying the legal groundwork for the birth of the US dollar and directly influencing the genesis of its global symbol ($) through the famous numismatic monogram ( PTSI ).

To understand the duality of the wealth extracted from the Imperial City, it is necessary to evaluate the impact of its two main metals on a global level:

 

THE SILVER OF POTOSÍ, BOLIVIAN (8 Real / Peso)

 

  • Volume: Massive and absolutely dominant in world markets during the 16th and 17th centuries.
  • Main Destination: China (via Manila), Western Europe, the Río de la Plata and the Thirteen Anglo-American Colonies.
  • Global Impact: Creation of the first transoceanic currency, support and subsequent collapse liquidity of the Ming Empire, and structural inflation on the European continent.


THE GOLD OF POTOSÍ, BOLIVIA (Shield / Doubloon)

 

  • Volume: Select and smaller in scale compared to silver, consolidating its formal coinage in the 18th century.
  • Main Destination: Royal Treasury of the Spanish Crown, large European banks and colonial elites.
  • Global Impact: Consolidation of Hispanic geopolitical prestige, exclusive use in high diplomacy and macroeconomic reserve of the Mediterranean and northern Europe.

Numismatic Report: Anatomy of a Global Currency

From a technical and collection perspective, the production of the Potosí mint is divided into two major technical eras that reflect the industrial and metrological evolution of the Crown:

 

  1. The Era of Macuquinas (16th-18th Centuries): Coins minted by hammering on silver shears. They had extremely irregular shapes, rough edges, and sometimes incomplete inscriptions. Despite their rustic appearance, their fineness (purity) of approximately .930 pure silver (11 coins and 4 grains) made them virtually infallible. They bore the famous mint mark with the intertwined monogram PTS and the initials of the assayer, the royal official responsible for guaranteeing the weight and fineness of the coin, whose negligence sparked the infamous debased silver fraud scandal (led by Francisco de la Rocha) in the 1640s.

 

  1. The Era of the Pillars and Bust Coins (18th-19th Centuries): With the inauguration of the second and monumental building of the Potosí Mint in Bolivia (1753-1773), the screw press was introduced. This led to the production of perfectly circular coins with a protective milled edge to prevent clipping (the illegal filing of the edges). These coins, which initially featured the Pillars of Hercules and later the bust of the Spanish monarch (such as Charles III or Charles IV), had a slightly reduced fineness of .903 pure silver, but standardized an exact theoretical weight of 27.07 grams and a diameter of 39-40 mm, establishing the most imitated numismatic standard in the world.

The Fundamental Impact on the Argentine Republic

The relationship between Potosí, Bolivia, and the territory of present-day Argentina was not merely commercial; it was an umbilical cord of a foundational, geographical, and sovereign nature:

 

  • The Origin of National Identity: The very name "Argentina" (from the Latin argentum , silver) and the name of the "Río de la Plata" are a direct legacy of the fascination with the metal that flowed down from Potosí, Bolivia (Captaincy of La Plata or Charcas). Buenos Aires was born and prospered primarily as the Atlantic port of departure ("the back route") used to smuggle and legally export mules loaded with sacks of Peruvian pesos from Potosí, Bolivia.

 

  • The Cradle of the First National Currency (1813/1815): Following General Manuel Belgrano's victories at the Battles of Tucumán and Salta, the Army of the North captured the Imperial City of Potosí. On April 13, 1813, the General Constituent Assembly of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata ordered the minting there of the first coin with national symbols in Argentine history. These historic pieces replaced the bust of King Ferdinand VII with the radiant Sun of May (with 32 rays) on the obverse, and the national coat of arms with the motto "In Union and Liberty" on the reverse. Minted in silver (8, 4, 2, 1, and 1/2 reales) and gold (8, 2, and 1 escudo), they proudly displayed the PTS monogram of Potosí, making the Bolivian mint the birthplace of Argentine sovereign currency.

 

  • The 19th-Century Crisis Due to the Loss of Potosí: When the Army of the North definitively retreated in 1815, the patriots moved the Potosí mint to Córdoba to try to compensate for the lost production. However, after Bolivia's independence in 1825, the United Provinces definitively lost control of the Cerro Rico mines. This disconnection led to a dramatic and chronic shortage of domestic currency in Argentina for almost the entire 19th century. To survive commercially, the northern and central Argentine provinces were forced to rely on foreign currency, massively adopting the Bolivian peso (which continued to be minted in Potosí) as their de facto currency for daily and banking transactions.

The impact of the Bolivian peso and the national assayers on the Argentine economy (1813-1850) 

To delve deeper into the role of the Potosí mint as a midwife of monetary sovereignty in the Southern Cone, it is essential to divide this analysis into two technical-historical milestones: the work of the national assayers during the campaigns of the Army of the North and the subsequent chronic dependence of northern Argentina on the Bolivian peso during the time of Juan Manuel de Rosas.

1. The Patriotic Assayers of the 1813 and 1815 Issue

When General Manuel Belgrano and the Army of the North occupied Imperial City, the seizure of the Mint became an act of strict economic sovereignty. The new national currency had to maintain the unwavering confidence of the international market; Therefore, although the symbols of the Bourbon crown were removed, the metrology and the fineness of Spanish silver were precisely preserved.

To certify this purity, the signature of the royal assayers who swore loyalty to the revolutionary cause was vital.

On the celebrated silver coins of 1813 , the minting bears the initial "F ," corresponding to the assayer Francisco José de Matos . During the second patriotic occupation of 1815 , under the command of General José Rondeau, the numismatic imprints show the combined initials "FL ," belonging to the assayers Francisco José de Matos and Leandro Ozio . These coins constitute the most outstanding material evidence of the Río de la Plata independence effort before the final retreat following the disaster of Sipe Sipe.

2. The Bolivian Peso as a Confederate Economic Savior

After 1825, the definitive separation of Cerro Rico plunged the interior of the United Provinces into a chronic illiquidity, aggravated by the centralist policies of Buenos Aires under the rule of Juan Manuel de Rosas, who based his economy on the inconvertible paper money of Buenos Aires.

Faced with this monetary vacuum, the provinces of Salta, Jujuy, Tucumán, Catamarca and the Cuyo area operated de facto under a Bolivian monetary area.

The silver coins minted in Potosí flowed incessantly across the border to settle livestock and commercial trade. Even when Bolivian President Andrés de Santa Cruz introduced "debased currency" in 1830 (reducing the fineness to .666 in the smaller denominations of reales), northern Argentina embraced this currency with desperation. Despite the vehement complaints of Rosas's press in Buenos Aires, Bolivian Potosí silver—in both its high and low versions—served as the sole and indispensable medium of exchange, preventing the customs offices and markets of the Confederate interior provinces from complete paralysis.


Conclusion

The numismatic and economic legacy of Potosí in Bolivia transcends the mere accumulation of mineral wealth. The Potosí currency was not simply a commercial asset of the Spanish Crown, but rather the financial infrastructure upon which the first interconnected global economy and the sovereignty of the new American republics were built. The historical expression "It's worth a Potosí!" was an exact linguistic reflection of a factual reality: the Cerro Rico (Rich Hill) dictated the material destiny of empires. The interruption of the Potosí monetary flow around the 1640s, which led to the implosion and failure of the Ming dynasty due to a lack of liquidity, unequivocally demonstrates that Potosí held sway over the global economic pulse. Likewise, by minting the first coins of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata with its metal and subsequently rescuing the economy of the confederated interior, the Imperial City of Potosí in Bolivia indelibly etched its identity into the historical and financial DNA of Argentina. In short, the silver and gold coins minted in Potosí not only circulated through the veins of global trade; they were the catalyst that gave rise to the economic modernity we know today. #MAAB © 2026


Bibliography (APA format, 7th edition) 

Burzio, H. F. (1945). The Mint of the Imperial City of Potosí and colonial currency . Institute of Historical Research; Faculty of Philosophy and Letters.

Cunietti-Ferrando, A.J. (2014). History of the Royal Mint of Potosí and the minting of its coins in the 16th and 17th centuries . Buenos Aires Numismatic Center.

Flynn, DO, & Giráldez, A. (1995). Born with a "silver spoon": The origin of world trade in 1571. Journal of World History , 6 (2), 201–221.

García-Baquero González, A. (1992). The Indies Trade: A Sum of Contracting and an Ocean of Business . State Society for the Universal Exposition.

Hamilton, E. J. (1934). American treasure and the price revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 . Harvard University Press.

Irigoin, A. (2009). The end of a silver era: The consequences of the breakdown of the Spanish peso standard in China and the United States, 1780s–1850s. Journal of World History , 20 (2), 207–243.

Janson, H. C. (2018). The currency of the Argentine Republic: A chronological-numismatic catalogue . Author's Edition.

Lazo García, Carlos. (1992). Colonial economy and monetary regime: Peru, 16th-19th centuries . Central Reserve Bank of Peru.

Mitre, B. (1887). History of Belgrano and Argentine Independence . Felix Lajouane Editor.

Tandeter, E. (1992). Coercion and the market: Silver mining in colonial Potosí, 1692-1826 . South American Editorial.

Primary Sources and Documentary Collections Consult

General Archive of the Indies (AGI), Seville, Spain

  • Contracting Fund: Ledgers of treasures from the fleets of Tierra Firme and Peru (16th and 17th centuries). Records of metals unloaded from the port of Portobelo.
  • Charcas Collection: Letters and records of the Governor of Potosí and the Royal Audiencia of Charcas on mining production, mita and coinage of the Mint.
  • Lima Collection: Colonial reports of Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1572-1581) relating to the founding of the mint of the Imperial City and coinage ordinances.

 

Historical Archive of the National Mint (AHCNM), Potosí, Bolivia

  • Assay and Smelting Books (16th-18th Centuries): Daily technical records of melted silver bars and ingots, applied metal laws, and marks of the royal assayers.
  • Files of the Feeble Silver Scandal (1640-1650): Records of the judicial process, confiscations and audits carried out on the assets of the assayer Francisco de la Rocha and associates.

 

General Archive of the Nation (AGN), Buenos Aires, Argentina

  • Colonial Government Archive - Smuggling: Summaries and records from the 17th and 18th centuries on the confiscation of "Peruvian silver" and Potosí macuquinas illegally introduced through the port of Buenos Aires.
  • Fund Assembly of the Year


  • #MarcoAAyllonBueno
  • #MAAB
  • #AyllonBuenoHistorian
  • #EconomicHistory
  • #HistoryOfBolivia
  • #ArgentineHistory
  • #CharcasProvince
  • #ImperialVillaOfPotosí
  • #HistoricalGlobalization
  • #HistoricalResearch
  • #Numismatics
  • #NumismaticsBolivia
  • #ArgentineNumismatics
  • #NationalCurrencies
  • #RealDeA8
  • #PeruvianPeso
  • #Macuquinas
  • #PotosíMint
  • #CoinCollecting
  • #GlobalFirstDivision
  • #CerroRicoDePotosí
  • #SpanishDollar
  • #PotosíMint
  • #SilverStandard
  • #WorldEconomicHistory